hamid reza baratiyanجنبش به امید ایرانی آزاد... ما زنده بر آنیم که آرام نگیریم . موجیم که آرامش ما عدم ماست پيام سروش...كه هر هفته اخبار مهم داخلى و خارجى كشور عزيزمان ايران را به همراه تصوير و فيلم به صمع و نظر شما ايران داخل و خارج از ايران ميرساند با پاكى كلام و حفظ آزادى بيان همبستگی بزرگ وبلاگ نویسان با دانشجویان در بند دانشگاه
جنبش به امید ایرانی آزاد... ما زنده بر آنیم که آرام نگیریم . موجیم که آرامش ما عدم ماست پيام سروش...كه هر هفته اخبار مهم داخلى و خارجى كشور عزيزمان ايران را به همراه تصوير و فيلم به صمع و نظر شما ايران داخل و خارج از ايران ميرساند با پاكى كلام و حفظ آزادى بيان همبستگی بزرگ وبلاگ نویسان با دانشجویان در بند دانشگاه
Can a deceased ayatollah offer in death what no one alive seems to be able to provide: a single, unifying figure for Iran's opposition?
That's the central question that emerges from the weekend death of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, a towering figure in the history of Iran's revolutionary government. At the time of his death, he was perhaps the most credible face of the country's persistent opposition movement.
The role Ayatollah Montazeri will play in death will come into clearer focus during the next two weeks. His admirers began to vent their sorrow Monday in funeral processions, at the outset of a 10-day religious holiday that figures to produce more public shows of opposition.
A picture of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, a dissident cleric, is held up Monday at his funeral in Qom, Iran.
Ayatollah Montazeri was a religious leader of considerable import -- indeed, he once was designated to become the nation's supreme religious leader -- but in the past six months was most noteworthy as the senior religious leader most openly sympathetic with the opposition movement that sprang up in Tehran's streets after June's disputed presidential election. Yet at 87 years of age, in poor health, and restricted to the holy city of Qom, he was never likely to become the active leader of a movement opposing the regime of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
Indeed, one of the most serious shortcomings of the opposition movement, despite its resilience in the face of concerted government attempts to squelch it, has been the absence of a catalytic personality to serve as its heart and soul. The logical leader should be Mir-Hossein Mousavi, the presidential candidate who appeared to be robbed of his chance at victory in that June election. But he is too reserved and cautious by nature, and too vulnerable to pressure from the government, to have really stepped into that role.
Mehdi Karroubi, former speaker of the Iranian parliament, and Mohammad Khatami, the former Iranian president, both also have become champions of the reform movement. Yet they also are equally exposed to government pressure.
In death, though, Ayatollah Montazeri will be immune from government pressure and intimidation. His withering criticisms of the regime are on the record, and can't be compromised.
It isn't unusual for revolutionary and counter-revolutionary figures to provide inspiration from the grave. Indeed, the Iranian opposition already has, to some extent, one such figure, albeit of far less stature: Neda Agha-Soltan, the 26-year-old woman whose death at the hands of government agents trying to suppress a street protest was captured on video and galvanized government foes in and out of Iran.
History offers other examples. Newspaper publisher Pedro Chamorro, murdered by enforcers for Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1978, became the rallying figure for the Nicaraguan revolution in following years -- and, ultimately, the galvanizing figure for the counter-revolution that followed. Similarly, both the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro and the counter-revolutionaries that resisted him rallied around a deceased Cuban nationalist, Jos[eacute] Marti.
The potential role for Ayatollah Montazeri as an opposition icon lies not just in his vocal dissents in the latter months of his life, but in the outsized role he played in his country's history over the past quarter-century. It's a role that may not be immediately apparent to those who don't follow Iranian politics closely.
Ayatollah Montazeri was close to Iran's ultimate revolutionary leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and was a leader of the incipient revolution against the Shah of Iran while Ayatollah Khomeini was in exile. After the revolution, Ayatollah Montazeri was selected to succeed Ayatollah Khomeini as the country's paramount religious leader.
وضعیت اضطراری در قم بنا به اخبار واصله وضعیت شهر قم اضطراری گزارش شده است. ماجرا از امروز عصر شروع شد که مرکز مدیریت حوزه با ارسال پیامک به طلاب از آنان خواست که در مراسم امشب مسجد اعظم حضور پیدا کنند و به اهانت ها اعتراض کنند. ظاهران علیرغم اعلام قبلی که بنا بود مراسم امشب در اختیار بیت آیت الله العظمی منتظری باشد، این مراسم از دست آنان خارج شده و مجری مراسم ار حضار خواسته طبق مسیر اعلام شده قبلی به سمت بیت آیت الله منتظری حرکت کنند. مرکز مدیریت حوزه با قصد تکرار حوادث سال 76 چنین اقدامی را انجام داده است. در حال حاضر نیز جمعیتی حدود 500 نفر در برابر بیت آیت الله منتظری و 500 نفر در برابر بیت آیت الله صانعی اقدام به دادن شعر مرگ می کنند. برق منطقه قطع شده است. وضعیت اضطراری است، اطلاع رسانی کنید ------------------------ خبر تکمیلی ساعت 19:30: افراطیون در حال شکستن شیشه های بیت آقای منتظری هستند.
پس از تشییع پیکر آیت الله منتظری در مرقد حضرت معصومه (س) عزاداران به سوی بیت ایشان رهسپار شدند .
بسیجیان به بیت آیت الله منتظری تعرض کردند و بنر تسلیت درگذشت ایشان را که از سر در حسینیه شهدا آویخته شده بود پاره کردند.
عزاداران در واکنش به این اقدام، عکس پاره شده این مرجع تقلید را در دست گرفته و شعار دادند: «معلوم شد، معلوم شد کی عکس ها رو پاره کرده ».
در این هنگام بسیجیان و لباس شخصی ها به سوی عزاداران حمله کردند که با میانجیگری نیروی انتظامی از برخورد با دسته های عزاداری جلوگیری شد.
نکته جالب توجه در مراسم خاکسپاری آیت الله منتظری، خویشتنداری نیروی انتظامی و خودداری از برخورد خشن با عزداران بود که با شعار «نیروی انتظامی تشکر تشکر» پاسخ داده شد.
WASHINGTON -- The Obama administration publicly mourned the passing of Iran's Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, in an unusual move U.S. officials said was designed to align the White House with Iran's democratic movement.
But U.S. officials also stressed Sunday that Mr. Montazeri's death and the continuing political protests inside Iran are unlikely to significantly alter President Barack Obama's overall strategy of seeking to engage Tehran in the near term.
Few inside the U.S. administration say they see any imminent threat to the Iranian regime's hold on power, forcing Washington to remain open to negotiations with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government over Tehran's nuclear program.
Many U.S. diplomats and strategists also continue to believe that any aggressive and overt American support for Iran's democrats at this stage could hasten a broader political crackdown by Tehran's security forces.
"It's unlikely that anything in the short term of any significance is going to change toward Iran," a senior U.S. official briefed on Iran policy said Sunday. "With Montazeri's voice gone, what happens to the movement? That remains to be seen."
Mr. Montazeri emerged in recent months as an unlikely channel of messages from Iran's opposition parties, known as the Green Movement, to the White House, U.S. officials and Iranian opposition leaders said.
In 1979, Mr. Montazeri was one of the leading clerical voices behind the overthrow of the U.S.-backed Shah, and was a strident critic of American foreign policy in the Middle East. However, in the late 1980s he broke with the Islamic republic's founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and in recent years has struck a much more conciliatory posture toward the U.S. and the West.
Mr. Montazeri in November gave an address from his home in the holy city of Qom and publicly condemned the hostage-taking of U.S. diplomats in Tehran after the Shah's fall. Members of the opposition movement said that Mr. Montazeri's comments were designed as a signal to Mr. Obama and the U.S. that the Green Movement sought better ties with Washington. A number of opposition leaders subsequently voiced frustration that the White House didn't more publicly respond to Mr. Montazeri's comments.
On Sunday, the White House praised the once fierce U.S. critic for his efforts to promote democracy and human rights in his country. "Our thoughts and prayers are with his family and those who seek to exercise the universal rights and freedoms that he so consistently advocated," National Security Council spokesman Michael Hammer said.
Many Iran watchers, however, believe the Obama administration will ultimately have to more closely align itself with the Iranian opposition movement. Few expect Tehran's theocrats to respond in any meaningful way to Mr. Obama's diplomatic overtures. And they also believe Iran's opposition movement will strengthen as Iran's flagging economy fuels domestic opposition to Mr. Ahmadinejad.
Still, U.S. officials indicated Sunday that the Obama administration will remain very much focused on international efforts to contain Tehran's nuclear program.
Mr. Obama has given Iran until year-end to respond to Washington's ultimatum of direct talks over the nuclear question or expansive new United Nations-backed sanctions. Tehran has given few indications of a willingness to negotiate an end to its nuclear ambitions. U.S. officials said Sunday that they are accelerating discussions among the five permanent members of the Security Council to map out a new sanctions regime while "remaining open to talks" with Tehran.
